THE SPREAD AND EXPANSION OF ISLAM AT THE CAPE

THE SPREAD AND EXPANSION OF ISLAM AT THE CAPE Contents: 1. Establishment of Islam at the Cape: 1652-1800 2. The Growth of lslam in the 19th Century 3. Cape Islamic Expansion in the 20th Century Introduction Globally, the spread of Islam could be attributed to the failure of the Church. Right from the pristine Beginnings of the religion there was the combination of doctrinal hair-splitting and the lack of committed Christians, who could show Muhammad the way to a living faith in Jesus. In this booklet I limit myself to the establishment and the spread of Islam in the Western Cape. The former would then refer to the period up to approximately 1800 and the spread thereafter up to the present. The Indian Muslims, who came to the Cape mainly as traders, are not discussed here. Likewise, the Ahmediyya Sect, which had some influence in the Cape between 1946 and 1965, has not been researched. The latter group has to be regarded as peripheral for the Western Cape. Ashley D.I. Cloete April 2015 - 1. ESTABLISHMENT OF ISLAM AT THE CAPE: 1652-1800 Probably the first Muslims who arrived at the Cape were the Mardyckers. The word 'Mardycka' Implies freedom. • The Mardyckers were free people from Amboyna in the southern Molucca Islands of the Indonesian Archipelago. They were brought to the Cape to protect the newly established settlement against the indigenous people and to provide a labour force in the same way as they had been employed first by the Portuguese and later by the Dutch in Amboyna. The Mardyckers arrived at the Cape in 1658. Islam was introduced to the Indonesian Archipelago by trade, via the sea and not by conquest. The Islamization gathered momentum after 1450 when Muslim traders from India began to settle in their ports of call and married the local Indonesians. The penetration of Islam in the Indonesian Archipelago was accelerated initially as a reaction to the Portuguese and later by fear of the growth of Dutch power. This induced the Indonesian rulers to strengthen their ties with the Muslim rulers of lndia and with the holy city of Mecca. Their religious practices and activities - in terms of Dutch policy - had been severely restricted. Already in 1642 it was found necessary to issue a 'Piacaat' which prohibited them on pain of death from practising their religion or converting heathens or Christians, though they were allowed to practise in private. To allow for the practice or their religion at the Cape of Good Hope, Maetsuycker, the Batavian Governor, re-issued the following placaat: 'No one shall trouble the Amboinese about their religion or annoy them; so long as they do not practise in public or venture to propagate it amongst Christian and Heathen ... ' (Cited by Aspeling, 1883:17). Religious exiles The great influx of Easterners to the Cape of Good Hope began in 1667. The year 1667 also saw the arrival of the first religious exiles banished to the Cape. A plaque at the tomb on 'Islam Hill' in Constantia commemorate these men: ' .. .They were rulers 'Orang Cayen', men of wealth and influence .. .Two were sent to the Company's forest and one to Robben Island.' Because of their isolation by the Dutch East India Company (DETC) or VOC (Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie) - to minimise their chances of escape- the prominent exile hardly had any influence on the establishment and spread of Islam at the Cape (Davids, 1980:37). Probably the best known of the Orang Cayen is Shaykh Yusuf of Macassar. His real name was Abidin Tadia Tjoessoep. After his noble resistance against the Dutch, Tjoessoep was regarded as a ' kramat'- a saint. As a political convict he was exiled to the Cape of Good Hope in I694, coming here on board of the Voetboog. Tjoessoep and his 49 followers were housed on the farm Zandvliet, near the mouth of the Eerste River. Here, Tjoessoep's settlement soon became a sanctuary for fugitive slaves. In financing this project, the Dutch authorities made a noteworthy contribution to the establishment of Islam at the Cape (Davids, 1992:85). It was here that the first cohesive Muslim community in South Africa was established. But almost the entire community was shipped to Indonesia after the death of Tjoessoep in May, 1699. The Cape was officially made a place of confinement for high-ranking prisoners in 1681. Many came from Ternate, a flourishing sultanate in the Moluccas, some from Macassar in the Celebes. Of all the Indonesian political exiles brought to the Cape Shaykh Yussuf(Tjoessoep) is regarded by some scholars, e.g. J.S. Marais ( 1939: 168) and I. D. du Plessis ( 1972) as the most important. Another exile sent to an outlying area was the Rajah (King) of Tam bora. He lived at Vergelegen, Willem Adriaan van der Stel country residence. While at Vergelegen, he wrote the Koran from memory. His isolation was very effective. Thus he hardly had contact with other easterners who were at the Cape at the time. Throughout his banishment at the Cape there is no evidence that the Rajah of Tambora assisted to spread Islam in any way (Shell, 1974:24). Some regents, kings, princes and more radical freedom fighters such as Achmat, Prince of Ternate and the Rajah (= King) of Madura, were sent to Robben Island. The Slaves In the years after Van Riebeeck's arrival in 1652, the greatest problem for the new colonists was labour. After 1717 slave labour was favoured and immigration discouraged. The result was that in 1756 there were 5123 freemen and 6387 slaves, the majority of whom were Indonesian- many of these were Muslim (Townsend , 1977: 9). By 1767 there were so many slaves that the Company forbade further import. Achmat Davids ( 1980: 40) gives much credit to the slaves for establishing Islam at the southern tip of the African continent. The spread ofl s lam in Indones ia had been slow. When the Dutch took over, many areas still practi sed animistic forms of worship. To avoid costly wars, the Dutch avoided those areas in the Archipelago where Islam had taken root. The is lands of Bali, Timor, Buton, Java and the Celebe , which were barely affected by Islam in the early 1600s, were the area from which the Dutch obtained their slaves. Although most Indonesians who arrived at the Cape were slaves, 'Islam did not arrive as an established way of living but developed into one' (Townsend, 1977: II). They were either recent convert or pagan on arrival. 1 According to Boeseken, 1977:77 they were called ' vrije zwarten of mardijkers' DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY'S SAILING ROUTES, 17TH- 18TH CENTURIES :~. With the exception of a few former soldiers from Europe, the Indonesian slaves were the only artisans in the town. Some slaves, on payment of a fee to their owners, lived independently of them and worked wherever they wished in the town. This freedom enabled them to attend or hold religious meetings, a practice which kept the slaves in contact with one another. Rochlin (1939:214) cites from the records of George Foster of 1777 that already in the 1770's a few of these slaves met weekly in a private house belonging to a free Muslim 'in order to read, or rather chant, several prayers and chapters of the Koran'. The religious element was added predominantly by the slaves from Bengal, the Malabar Coast and the mainland of India. From a numerical analysis of the origin of the slaves who came to the Cape, Frank Bradlow deduced that 'a larger proportion came from India' than from the 'Malay Archipelago' (Bradlow and Cairns, 1978:83). The contribution of these slaves on the religious level was however all-important. Unlike the Indonesians, these slaves had a long tradition of Islam. [ n the 18th century they were assisted by the slaves of the Celebes, namely the Boughies albeit- with regard to the latter- 'we can be very sceptical about their knowledge of and commitment to the new religion (Islam)' (Shell, 1974: II). But the Bugies were among the most advanced people of the Archipelago. The most prominent of the slave from the Celebes was the slave Imam, Jan van Boughies. The Convicts Rob Shell ( 1974: 50) concludes that the biggest credit for establishing Islam at the Cape belongs to the convicts. For many years the Cape was used as a convict station. The first convict who was sent to the Cape arrived in 1654, a Chinese sentenced to hard labour for life. Thereafter many convicts were brought to the Cape. Some in chain were required to work 'zonder loon' for periods ranging from ten years to life. After the smallpox epidemic of 1713, the surviving convicts were set free. In 1743 more convicts were brought to the Cape as cheap labour to build a new breakwater. When the sentences of the convicts expired, some returned to Indonesia, but the majority stayed on at the Cape. When freed, these convicts forn1ed part of the 'Vrijezwarten' community. They were the people greatly responsible for the consolidation of Islam at the Cape of Good Hope (Davids, 1980: 42). Together with slaves they met in homes for Islamic prayer meetings. Several of them possessed property and were financially independent and formed a small Muslim clerical class. The 'ulemma' (clergy), made up of imams (priests) and shaykhs (learned men) was led by the Tuans (Malay word for teacher). Davids ( 1980: 43) highlighted in their contribution ' ... the verve and enthusiasm, with which they propagandised the religion ... their patience, perseverance and hope in adverse conditions and at a time when only the Dutch Reformed Church was officially allowed to propagate and worship freely.' The religion was spread by word of mouth despite harsh DEIC laws which included confiscation of the slaves plus a stiff fine 'on all who suffered their .. slaves to embrace the tenets of Mohammedanism' (Shell, 1997: 269) citing from Theal 's RecordsOVol. 9: 13lf). Cape Islam might have faded out - after the start given by Shaykh Yusuf- if it were not for the new politico-religious exiles who arrived in the 18111 century. The most prominent of these Cape Muslims were Said Alocwie of Mocca in Yemen and Imam Abdullah Abdus Salaam. They are known respectively as Tuan Said and Tuan Guru in the oral traditions. Tuan Said was brought to the Cape in 1744, listed as a 'Mohammedaanse' priest who was sentenced to life in chains. He served a sentence of 11 years on Robben Island before being brought to Cape Town where he became a policeman. It was this job which allowed him to visit the slave quarters and propagandise Islam. Tuan Guru was brought to the Cape as a State prisoner in 1780 from Tidore, which was a flourishing Muslim Sultanate in the Moluccas. Tuan Guru had a thorough understanding oflslam, in contrast to other Cape Indonesians. One of his first accomplishments was the writing of the Koran from memory for the use of the Cape Muslims (Zwemer, 1925: 564). Then there was Tuan Gurus's M'arifatul lslami wal lmani (Manifestations of Islam and faith)- which he had written in 1681 while he was impri soned on Robben Island. The occult element The religious convicts added the occult element well before their graves were turned into shrines through Sufi m. Dangor ( 1994: 55) made a po int of it that Shaykh Yusuf, who is generally regarded as the founder of Islam at the Cape, belonged to the Khalwatiyyah Sufi order. I le was al so regarded as a ' wali Allah' (friend of God) by the people of Makasar in Indonesia from where he hailed . There they ' bestowed on him the nickname ofToewang Salamah (the bles ed Master). DaCosta (in Da Costa and Davids, 1994: 22) notes 'There can be little doubt that as the paramount spiritual director of the Khalwatiyyah order, Shaykh Yusufmust have used the practices of that order as the social glue with which to keep these structures intact.' Lubbe ( 1987: 51) pointed out that South African Mus lims commemorate the Rajah (King)who c grave on Robben Island was turned into a shrine at quite an earl y stage- not with his Javanese title, but as Shaykh Madura. This denotes that he was one of the Shaykhs ofTasawwuw' (Sufism). Hardly anybody knowledgeable would di sagree with Lubbe's claim ( 1987: 54) that 'it is today commonly acknowledged that it was mainly due to the presence ofthe Sheiks ofTasawwuw' (Sufism) that Islam wa initially e tabli shed.' The Sufi orders have had a vital role in the establishment and spread of Islam through the centuries, as DaCosta ( 1989: 50) says: 'The orders, binding together individuals under a 4 supernatural bond, were themselves a social power.' The mystical practice of the commemorating days after the death of Cape Muslims is today so common that local Muslims would possibly regard this as belonging to orthodox Islam. Occult elements were linked to the graves of the saints on the authority of no less than the Holy Prophet of Islam himself, e.g, that 'the grave of a Wali is unlike that of an ordinary person. their bodies do not decay or perish, but remain intact and fresh' (Guide to the Kramats ... , 1996: 12). About a saint buried in the Muizenberg mountain it is reported that 'the gra>e was discovered by a lady who was directed to it in a dream' (Guide to the Kramats ... , 1996: 12). In general, Cape Muslims never doubted that supernatural powers were operating at the shrines. However, the Islamic community is divided on the value of prayers at these shrines.2 Ancestor worship and Witchcraft Since times immemorial ancestor worship had been practised in primal religions, and still is being done all over the world. It is said that an early Cape imam foresaw prophetically that a 'holy circle' of shrines would come about. That imam is reputed to have stated that all Muslims who live within a holy circ le of tombs 'wi ll be free of fire, famine, plague, earthquake and tidal wave' (Cited by Du Plessis, 1972: 5). Witchcraft is also part of such a setting. Islamic talismans were now added. The link between Cape Islam and the occult is typified by one of their great pioneers, Paay Schaapje (Shaykh Nuruman), who was banished to the Cape. It was r~orted that Shaykh Nuruman, banished to Robben Island in 1770- the same year of the infamous rlecree (see p.4), which forbade the sale of baptized slaves- gave talismans in Malay script to runaway slaves. The Islamic clergyman acquired the reputation that he not only gave advice to slaves, but that he could prophesy the future and protect the Cape Muslims from evil. Islam profited in I785 when two slaves ran away from Cape Town with an Islamic talisman, which they said they had obtained it from a 'Mohammedan priest' to protect them from c2pture. He was possibly the Muslim clergyman referred to. The contribution of Shaykh Nuruman to the establishment and initial spread of Islam, has generally been grossly underrated. The combination of being a Sufi priest with occult powers of witchcraft, as well as being a champion for the human rights of the oppressed, must have made him immensely popular among the slaves (Lubbe, 1987: 54). Davids ( 1985 : 39 ) wrote about Shaykh Nuruman: 'He went abo ut teaching Islam, instilling hope in his community while they were suffering.' No wonder that he became a thorn in the flesh of the authorities was and therefore prcmptly despatched to Robben Island. It was on this foundation on which Tuan Guru's M'arifatul Is/ami wal !man. (Manifestations oflslam and faith) could build, adding the philosophical element and including in his treatise a discussion of amulets and sacred cures. Islam became even more popular among slaves, a religion where they could overcome the class barriers and be equal with others. In Christian circles there has been general indifference till today- possibly due to Western rationalismto the idea that the shrines worked in coalition with other forces for the protection of Islam. Dr. LD. DuPlessis was an exception. He mentioned as a matter of course the supernatural power of water which had been left at the Kramat of Shaykh Yusuf in Macassar. He was evidently also aware of the demonic origins of the special powers of the 'doekoems'- Muslim sorcerers. Already in his 1939 book 'Die Maleise Same/ewing aan die Kaap', Dr. I. D. Du Plessis remarked casually- not critically at all -how the doekum received 'bonatuurlike kragte in ruil vir sy siel om middernag op die kerkhof' (Du Plessis, 1939: 22).3 The uncritical stance of Du Plessis is not completely surprising. The apartheid ideology grew in the Afrikaner circles from which Du Plessis originated. He was a member of the Afrikaner Broederbond. Devout Christians in the three Afrikaans churcl • ...:s were uneasy about the secretive aspects of this organisation and Freemasonry, but the demonic roots of the latter movement had not been generally recognizcd.4 The Colonists In the 18th century, the Dutch colonists contributed to quite an extent to the spread of Islam through their rejection of s laves. The increase was a matter of concern for the Dutch authorities who now tried to control their numbers through legislation. Among the decrees which had been issued was one wh ich prohibited the sale of baptised Christian slaves and the circumcision of male slaves. In the Chapter on 'Slaves' in the Statutes oflndia of 10 April 1770, Article nine reads: The Christians are held bound to instruct their slaves ... without compulsion in the Christian Religion, and have them baptizcd, ... and such as may have been confirmed in the Christian Religion, shall never be sold ... The application of the decree proved to be counterproductive. Many slave owners at the Cape interpreted this as a threat to their property, believing that their slaves would become free if they were 2 Satanists also have their strongholds on the heights, e.g. at the fittingly named Devil's Peak and at Rhodes Memorial. 3 Translation: that the witch doctor received supernatural powers on the cemetery at midnight in exchange for his soul. 4 The pact of freemasonry with the demonic has only been exposed fairly recently, amongst others through the work of David Tidy, a former British 33rd degree freemason. 5 Christianized. These slave owners thereafter neglected every form of Christian instruction for their slaves. Percival (1804: 275) gathered the same information from hearsay as the chief motive to deny baptism. The total registered population at the Cape in 1775 was 12,000. Approximately half of this number were slaves, many of whom had become Muslim. By 1800, the pews in the Groote Kerk of Cape Town, which had been reserved traditionally for the use of slaves, were empty Sunday after Sunday (Marais, 1939 : 168). To be fair to the colonists- this is omitted by Shell and Davids in their citing of J.S. Marais - we must mention that Marais said in the same context (1939: 168) 'At this very time the new interest in missionary work began to make itself felt on behalf of the slaves'. The South African Missionary Society, which was formed in 1799, from its beginnings concentrated on the slaves. Rochlin ( 1939: 216) points to another reason: 'The proprietors do not in general discourage the embracing of Mohammedanism. They probably prefer to have slaves of this persuasion in their wine-sellers, from the sobriety which their religion inculcates.' In the same context he shows that the colonists, fearing the loss of their property, even encouraged the spread of Islam among them, claiming that a sober slave is an asset around the house. 6 2. THE GROWTH OF ISLAM IN THE 19th CENTURY Objection to baptism as a growth factor The Christian education of the slaves in the colony was high on the agenda of the South African Missionary Society (SAMS). When objection to baptism became known to them, they had to act. Despairingly Rev. Vos of Tulbagh, its leader and spokesman, wrote to the authorities on the 9th of March 1812: Sir! Exclusive of the false prejudice of the so-called Christians ... there is another obstacle in this country to the progress of Christian ity ... 'tis, namely that a slave who is baptized may not be so ld. This circumstance is the occasion that the proprietors of slaves, who may possess truly Christian hearts ... object to their being baptized (Cited from Theal's Records of the Cape Colony by Shell, 1974: 43). In 1812 the tragic clause was repealed by the governor, John Cradock, but other legislation reinforced the slave-owners' belief that Christianising their slaves was another way of emancipating them. In 1817 legislation was modified to provide elementary education for Christian slave children, but this remained burdensome to the owners. By 1823 it was decreed that Christian slave children should be sent to government free schools, but this was not observed by the owners. The neglect of religious iPstruction was also extended by the slave owners to the slave children, 'for fear of them being lost to them on their becoming Christians' (cited by Shell, 1974: 43). The slave-owners offered many explanations why slaves were not receiving Christian education. The most important one was that there were no suitable buildings for this purpose. The sincerity of these excuses has to be doubted. The suggestion of Aspeling (1883: 3) about the slave-owners seems to be more to the point: 'studying their own inten >ts, (they) preferred their slaves embracing the Mohometan faith, in which case they would remain in bondage.' Bird, a colorlial official, came to the same conclusion. Writing in 1822, he nott:s that whenever one asked a slave why he had become Muslim, the reply was: 'some religion he must have and he is not allowed to tum Christian ' (Bird, 1822: 349). The behaviour and attitude of Cape Christians The majority of the materialistic colonists rejected the slaves, even in the Groote Kerk and the Lutheran church. Towards the end of the 18th century the Dutch Reformed minister of Stellenbosch, Meent Borcherds, made no secret of his opposition to mission work. DuPlessis referred to the growing negativity between the colonists and miss ionaries, which became 'a mighty barrier of suspicion and hatred' (DuPlessis, 1911: 78) But there were also exceptions to the rule. Rev. Michie! Vos of Caledon, after his return from a missionary stint in Ceylon, reported about the celebration of the Lord's supper, with baptized slaves in his congregation: 'some slave-owners eY'!n chose to sit at the same table as their slaves.' That was defmitely revolutionary for the time. Unfortunatdy occasions like these were very isolated. Thus Rev. Sanders could write in a letter, (cited in Lightfoot, 1900: 33) ' ... the black man has no desire to enter into the Christian faith, whose gates have been long shut against them .. .The black man ... prefers joining with those who have been his friends in distress ... ' The separation of families must surely have been one of the factors towards this attitude. Where family ties could be broken at the mere whim of the slave-owner, the family as an institution had little chance to get a positive image. Indicative of the attitude of colonists- which continued long after slave emancipation- was an example how the wife of a company official, the Fiscal Truter (who became the Chief Justice) used her house slaves. They had to 'carry her holy book and footstool to the door of God's house, but when they arrive, their load is taken from them, the door is shut upon them, and they are bound to wait in the street until the service is concluded: then they bear back the proud mistress' stool and the blessed book .. .' (Thea!, Records of the Cape Colony, XX I Y: 22 1-222). The case of Truter is especially very sad if one considers that he had close links to the evangelical Z.A. Gesticht, where the SAMS was founded ln a criminal case which can be regarded as a macabre precursor of the Steve Biko death in custody of 1977, Spadille, a Muslim slave, was sent to ~rison. He had been accused of stealing some of Chief Judge Truter's shirts. The slave was flogged so terribly that he died in police custody. Truter abused his authority to influence the jail surgeon to declare that Spadille died a natural death. Thereafter the unfortunate Spadille was buried ' in the darkness of the night, and si lently put into the ground' (Thea!, Records of the Cape Colony, XXIX: 222). Efforts by the Early Muslim community In the light of the repressive Statutes of India, the remarkable courage and dedication of the early Cape Muslims need to be appreciated. Men like Tuan Guru, Tuan Said and the other Imams of the time not only used their homes for worship, but also instructed others. They propagandised Islam at great peril to their lives and their limited freedom. The 19th :entury dawned with great hope for the Muslim community at the Cape. After !50 years of intense struggle to establish their religion in this region, they were now on the verge of a breakthrough. In an atmosphere of partial tolerance and racial prejudice, Islam started to emerge as the religion of the slaves in Cape Town. The first step in this direction was the establishment of the Dorp Street Madressa (Koran School) in 1793 7 (Davids, 1992: 87), the same year of the release of Tuan Guru. This religious school was established with very few students, but the number increased so rapidly that soon - in 1794 - a mosque was required. From the ftrst British Occupation in 1795, things were beginning to turn favourably towards them. They approached the British commander for permission to erect a mosque, because 'the obstruction to the free exercise of their religion was prejudicial to the conduct of the lower classes' (Davids, 1987: 59). General Craig readily agreed to their request. When Batavian rule came in 1803, they could fall back on this commitment, which ftnally led to the second Muslim sanctuary, the Palm Tree Mosque in Long Street (1807). The school and the mosque were the first religious institutions of the Cape Muslims. The accorrunodation in the same premises 'made this joint institution a convenient vehicle and cultural ecological base for the transmission of Islamic socio-cultural ideas in the slave community' (Davids, 1992: 87). The phenomenal succesc; of these institutions can be attributed to the efforts and philosophy of the founder, Imam Abdullah ibn Kadi \bdus Salaam, who is much better known by the name Tuan Guru. His philosophical theology united the slaves and free Blacks. It also provided a possibility of social mobility as well as a fair degree of protection for the slaves from the possible harsh treatment of their Free Black slave-masters (Davids, 1992: 87). Tuan Guru's M'arifatullslami wallmani (Manifestations of Islam and faith) had become the main text book of the school and also became the main reference book of the Cape Muslim Community during the nineteenth century (Davids, 1992: 88). Rochlin (1959: 50) points out that Qur'ans were available for local religious purposes before 1806. A system of social relations evolved through Tuan Guru's writings and efforts. The slaves and Free Black slave-owners co-existed harmoniously. In terms of this system, it was possible for a slave to be appointed as imam. Evidence exists which shows that slaves were actually appointed as Imams (Davids, 1992: 88). Davids's proposition in this context that 'This was certainly more than what Christianity had to offer the slaves during the same period of our history,' must be termed a classic understatement. The nearest the Christians the Christian religion being propagated among these Indonesians ... ' He quotes a colonial official in 1828 from Theal's Records (35: 370): 'the slaves should be assembled in a separate place of worship and ... a preacher, who understood the Malay language, be appointed by the government in the same manner as is obser;ed at Batavia, for their special instruction.' There was however not reacted upon this advice. This might have been influenced by the disappointment of William Elliot, who at least knew Arabic. It seems that Elliot was not able to win the trust of the Muslims. The Mission to Muhammedans not only stopped with his resignation in 1828/ but hereafter 'all arriving missionaries leapfrogged the heavily Islamicized town to go to more successful and frontier missions among the indigenous peoples' (Shell, 1997: 275). The Cape Muslim community used the common slave language Malayu to its full potential at the expense of the Christian Churches, who did not grasp the importance of conveying religious ideas in a language easily understood by the slaves. After Petrus Kalden and Georg Schmidt - respectively in the 1690s and 1737 - the new Moravian missionaries at Genadendal seemed to have been the exception at the Cape to realise the importance of language sufficiently as a vehicle of communication to impart reli gious values and tenets at the turn ofthe century 8 Malayu was spoken and written in Arabic script at the religious school. The slaves who were broug:1t from South-East Asia to the Cape, could speak Malayu. This was already the religious language of the eastern slaves in South-East Asia, prior to the Dutch invasion of the islands. However, Malayu did not remain the prime language very long. The slaves were required to communicate in Dutch. This Dutch became creolised to form the spoken Afrikaans ofthe Cape Muslim community, and started to replace- possibly from 1815 onwards, Malayu as the language of instruction at the Muslim religious school. Soon it also became the written language, albeit in Arabic script. The development of the new language in the circles of the other disadvantaged of the society at the time aided Islam. Their early use of Afrikaans gave the Cape Muslim community a distinct advantage over the other reli?ious groupings in Cape Town during the nineteenth century. The spoken language at home was the same language used in the mosque. This helped considerably to attract converts who were not comfortable in High Dutch or English (Davids, 1987: 70). By 1823 there was already another mosque and a l':lrge religious school in Long Street in use for some time, as well as several smaller madaris or religious schools (Imperial Blue Book, 1835: 21 0). By 1832 there were at least 12 madaris conducted from the homes oflmams in Cape Town (C~pe Almanac, 1832). Opposition to Christian missionary work ... a boon to Islamic expansion The spiritual needs of the slaves were considered the responsibility ofthe slave-owners. Davids (1992: 89) concludes: 'Hence the first missionary, the Moravian Georg Schmidt, who had arrived in 173 7, was posted to Genadendal... to work among the Khoi'. However, this was definitely not the foremost reason for Schmidt to go there. It was Moravian policy to bring the Gospel to the unreached and downtrodden wherever they were. The respective government' at the Cape had one thing in common - opposing mission work. In the view ofthe authorities, missionaries were meant to serve the state, full stop. Such evangelistic and missionary work was to be do'1e as far away as possible from any colonial settlement. Thus the attempt of the SAMS to open a school for_ slave children in the Mother City was 'shipwrecked on the rock of governmental antagonism' (Du Plessis, 1911: 97). · J.A. De Mist and Jan Willem Janssens, the Batavian governors who ruled at the Cape from 1803-6, were relatively 'tolerant' in religious matters. However, De Mist's interpretation of religious freedom in 1804 left still much to be desired. Muslim slaves were freed for defensive purposes, enrolled in two artillery units in preparation for the invasion of the British. In return, they were given the right to worship publicly. De Mist's reaction to the memorandum handed to him by the directors of the SAMS plus his antagonistic attitude towards their work disheartened the London Missionary Society worker Henricus Maanenberg so much that he withdrew from the outreach to the slaves (Du Plessis, 191 I: 95). He went to go and live outside the city. The SAMS directors were however very eager to get the Gospel to the slaves in the city. Already on 6 April, 1803 they appointed Aar. Antony van Lingen as the new missionary to these slaves. But he was promptly forbidden by De Mist to preach and to give teaching to this group of people. Van Lingen was only allowed to give support to missionaries who operated three dagreizen (days of travelling) from existing churches and congregations. 7 At the end of 1825 Elliot started to complain about the difficult access he had to the Muslims Furthermore, financial support for the mission work dried up, possibly also as a backlash to the involvement of Dr. Philip, the superintendent of the LMS, who was regarded as 'too political' by church people, not fitting for missionaries. 8 They sent Bruintje, a Khoi speaker, with the new LMS missionaries to the Northern Cape. Later Wilhelmina Stompjes - who had the bulk of ~er training at Genadendal and who taught bas ic Xhosa to the children of the missionaries there -was highly re[ 1rded by Xhosa chiefs as she worked alongside the German missionary team with her husband from 1828 in Shiloh in the Eastern Cape. (One of the missionary kids, Johann Adolph Bonatz, later became a pi011eer among the Xhosas.) 10 Kri.iger, a Moravian bishop from 1970, suggested about one of the first governors after the British takeover of the Cape in 1806: 'The Earl ofCaledon, ... was concerned about the spread oflslam at the Cape. Many of the slaves ... having no access to Christian worship, took the faith over from the Malay population' ( 1969: 101 ). The concern ofCaledon appears to have been quite superficial. If he had been really concerned, he would then certainly have been interested to have missionaries to work among the slaves at the Cape, rather than have them at places further away like Groenekloof(present-day Mamre) or Genadendal. The rigid formalism of the Colonial Church Nevertheless, the idea that the slave-owners had to care for the spiritual well-being of the slaves, was still very much prevalent at the turn of the 19th century. When the first missionaries of the London Missionary Society (LMS) arrived in 1799, they encouraged the Capetonians to make efforts for the spread of the gospel among the Khoi, San and particularly amon.; the slaves residing in their homes. After they had established the South African Missionary Society (SAMS), two c fthese missionaries, Dr. van der Kemp and Mr. Edmonds, proceeded to 'Cafferland' and the other two went to the 'Buslunen'. The SAMS hardly made an impact on the religion of the slaves living in Cape Town, partly due to neglect. As Rev. Sanders wrote in a letter in 1838: 'no desire has been shown (generally speaking) on the part of professing Christians for the conversion of the coloured population.' (Lightfoot, 1900: 33). In 1823 the SAMS changed its name to the Cape Town Auxiliary Committee of the London Missionary Society. Islam in Cape Town was allowed to flourish for at least the first quarter of the 19th century. From 1823 the Cape Town Auxiliary Conunittee started to organise educational and religious activities. 2,200 slaves were regularly attending the services by 1824 in the 49 Christian churches which could seat 18,739 between them (Marais, 1939: 169). But the rigid formalism of the Colonial Church was probably the cause that only 86 slaves managed to pass the tests which admitted them to baptism (Marais, 1939: 170). The net result of the missionary work can be regarded as counterproductive, ÄH~h missionaries also obviously influenced by the thinking of the society in which they functioned. Less committed clergy found the work near to the Mother City very enticing. Thus William Wright, who was quite progressive in many ways, e.g. by commending the slave owners who set their slaves free, started off well in 1821 as the 'only Anglican clergyman in the colony who had cared for the coloured classes' (Hinch I iff, The Anglican Church in South Africa, 1963: 20f). But he soon found himself ministering to Whites in Wynberg, rather than slaves and 'even then to the wealthy and socially elite.' (Hofrneyr and Pillay, 1994: 81 ). What Percival (1804: 274/275) wrote about the Dutch clergy, was just as much applicable to quite a few missionaries: ' ... (they) shew but little charity toward their unenlightened ... (slaves). An intimate acquaintance with their private characters will soon convince an observer, that their religion is in a great measure mere outward appearance' . Even right up to the 1960's German missionaries were e.g. called 'Heer' (Lord) on many mission stations, accompanied by practices which were very close to the prevalent racist and discriminatory thinkinP, of the Whites in the country. Indeed, it is very humbling for the Christian, so that nobody could really contradic Gerdener (1958: 134) when he said: 'In the city of Jan van Riebeeck, with its more than three centuries of the Gospel, the challenge becomes a reproach, when we remember that many of the followers of the prophet of Arabi1 are descendants of the slave trade, abolished more than a century ago.' If the condescending and negative attitude of white Christians towards Muslims could be regarded as the rule in the 19th century, there were however also exceptions. Aspeling (1883: 18) wrote e.g. 'Care should be taken not to excite or wound the Malays by using harsh or satirical expressions in discussing religious questions with them.' Using logic, Aspeling concludes that it would 'demand very little ingenuity or zeal on our part to prove that if the Bible be true, the Koran must be false' (Aspeling, 1883: 18). The attitude of Christian missionaries towards the Cape Muslims Initially the attitude of Christian missionaries towards the Cape Muslims was fairly positive, as reflected in the Report of the Cape Town Auxiliary Committee of the LMS for 1847 (1848: 7). The MtSJims were described as 'an industrious, thriving people, many of them wealthy, and generally speaking, they manifest an intelligence of mind and a respectabi lity of character, decidedly superior to most of the other classes of the coloured population' (quoted by Davids, 1992: 94). This was in keeping with the philanthropic spirit of the prelude and aftermath of the emancipation of the slaves. This was bound to change, when the general attitude in society towards Muslims gradually turned around. Due to this attitude it may probably be valid - but only to some extent, as Davids purports with regard to missionary work in Cape Town after 1850: 'When it was extensively engaged in ... (missionary work) ... it proved a complete failure' (Davids, 1987: 67). Davids also speaks of'the fru stration ... at this fai lure' ( 1992: 95). But these statements are rather unqualified. Things changed dramatically after the emanc ipation of slaves in 1838. Taking quite a lot of exaggeration in the oral report of a slave by Katie Jacobs into account, it is nevertheless significant that Rev. Beck of the Z.A. Gesticht, who performed baptism ceremonies at this time, was ' kept busy from morning to night, as there were hundreds of ex-•laves gathered together for the same purpose' (Cited from history by Shell, 1997: 275). Also Islam experienced a boom so that Shell ( 1997: 275) could speak of a 'double rev ival'. After 1842 Islamic growth appeared to have slowed down, but slaves continued to join the church ranks, notab ly at the 'slave church' of St. Stephen's. Also the Anglican church experienced dynamic growth in 1 1 Bo Kaap and Papendorp (the later Woodstock). Archdeacon Thomas F. Lightfoot (1900: 36) cites Bishop Robert Gray, who only arrived in 1848, in glowing te:rms in his reporting on the work of Rev. Michael Angelo Camilleri: ' ... Within 18 months he baptised 28 Malays and prepared for baptism 100, some connected with Malays.' Gerdener ( 1958: 134) writes very positively about the work of Lightfoot: 'At St. Pauls, at the foot of Lion Hill, Archdeacon Lightfoot had gathered a large congregation at one time and through its members many Mohammedans were influenced to come to the church'. Quite self-critically, Lightfoot speaks about three influences for 'our success', e.g. with regard to applicants for baptism on the grounds of marriage. The Dutch Reformed Church joined the fray in the 1860s after the revival, which spread from Worcester and when the mission-minded Dr. Andrew Murray worked with significant success in the predominantly Coloured parishes ofRoggebaai and District Six from his Groote Kerk base. If the missionaries were not successful in the city, elsewhere this was different. Wright wrote "Nor should I here pass over the successfi>l exertions of the missionaries of the London Missionary Society, in directing the religious zeal of the proprietors ofPaa ·1, Drakenstein, Franschhoek and Wagenmakers Valley that they could now trust their Christian slaves in their wine cellars" (Wright, 1831: 7). It is striking that Islam made little progress in these areas. A mosque was alreaC:y built in Strand in 1850, but in Worcester, Paarl and Stellenbosch respectively only in 1885, 1889 and 1897. Davids ( 1992: I 00) asserts that the booklet Abdullah ben Yussuf; or the story of a Malay as told by himself was distributed in 1870. Shell's suggestion that Rev. J.M. Arnold had inspired or even written the booklet (I 983: 39), is not convincing at all. That Arnold had written other pamphlets, is surely not any proof that he inspired this particular pamphlet. In the foreword to the second edition, Abdullah ben Yussufwrites: 'One thousand copies of the story in Dutch were quickly sold and eagerly read and many more would have been sold and read, but they were not to be got. As many Malays read English better than Dutch, I have at last determined to publish this pamphlet in plain English' (Abdullah ben Yussuf, 1295 a.H.(l917) : 3). Abdullah is however not convincing either if it is cor ·ect that the original had been written in 1870.9 The booklet itself is very negative, painting indeed a grim picture oflslam. But although - as the anonymous author states- there were many Muslims w!lo were thinking like him, he does not succeed in what he sets out to do, to offer a 'helping hand' to 'the man who is drowning' (Abdullah ben Yussuf, 1917: 3). That he can only compare the Apostolic Creed to that of Islam, is not a semblance of a helping hand. The saving power of Christ in his life is not mentioned. To change one religion for another, without the life-changing relationship with Christ, would not have been attractive to any Muslim. That would still be the case to-day. It is unfortunate that the real name of the author of the booklet is not mentioned. But it is well-known to this day that converts from Islam have to fear even for their lives. This would have been an acceptable reason for the use of a pseudonym. The sober article 'The Cape Malays' of Archdeacon Lightfoot, gives valuable insight and correctives for two extreme views with regard to ti-Je success of missionary work among Muslims. Some reports could mislead one to think that the success of missionary work at the Cape was general. On the other hand, Davids and Shell especially were too negative in their appraisal of missionary work at the Cape. 10 Rampie-sny, Ratiep and occult elements with unifying cultural effects Two practices of South-East Asian origin, Rampie-sny and Ratiep, were used by the Muslim teachers to attract the pagan slave and free black community to the fold oflslam (Davids, 1987: 63). Ratiep or Khalifa is an oc<::ult eastern sword ritual where the dancers cut themselves without however causing blood to flow. This exercise, accompanied by beating on drums and chanting in Arabic, gave the slaves feelings of power over their body, despite their bondage. 'Rampie-sny' is essentially a function for the ladies when orange leaves are being cut on the occasion of the birthday of Muhammad. This was the one oc.casion when the ladies have complete ,. ~cess to the main section ofthe mosque. Even though these two cultural elements do not belong to the religion of Islam proper, they were used as innovations to attract un-iniated slaves (Davids, 1987: 63). The performance ofRatiep especially, demonstrated to the Cape Muslims that their religion was 'superior to the law', despite the doubtful religious nature of the ritual. The desire to have it banned, must have been interpreted by the average Cape Muslim as fear for this power, and hence fear for Islam (Davids, 1987: 64). 9 This is the date cited by Davids, 1992: I 00. Lightfoot reports that Dr. Arnold arrived at the Cape in 1875. As stated above, the original is purported to have been written in 1870. In his 1997 bibliography Haren gives the date of publication of the bookler as 1978, which would bring Arnold in contention. All such controversy would amount to a storm in a tea-cup, if one considers that Arnold wrote a profound scholarly book on Islam, which had its third printing before his arrival at the Cape. Arnold definitely had no need to stoop so low as to write a pamphlet of the inferior quality of Abdullah ben Yussuf .. 10 This was considerably rectified in Shell's work of 1994 and later. 12 Opposition to health and burial measures Early in the 19th century, the Cape Muslims displayed religious objection to vaccination, quarantine, fumigation and hospitalisation. They regarded epidemics as inflictions imposed on them by God, and which could only be relieved by Him. Communal prayer meetings were organised during the epidemics of the 19th century. True to classical Islamic thinking, and shared by the pre-determinist Calvinists at the Cape, life and death is in the knowledge of God over which man has no power. Vaccination was seen as interference in the Will of God on the part of the infidel authority (Davids, 1987: 65). The Colonial Office became a victim of the thinking ofthe prejudicial society. This is shown by the health measures which were promulgated. They were defmitely not geared to the needs of the lower classes. The communal life had the Imam in the centre. They consulted him on all occasions. Visiting the sick was part and parcel of his religious obligation. Therefore they rallied together in anger when the 'infidel' authorities ordered that he shouiJ not visit his congregants during the time of an epidemic. Similarly, the interference in their burial rites played a big roll not only in cementing their opposition to the govemment of the day, but also in the conversion of undecided slaves. These rites created for them a sense of equality and dignity which was denied to them in the society at large. The final ablution rite of the death is a compulsory ritual in Islam, irrespective of social standing and no matter how the body might be deformed and destroyed by the cause of death. To deny Muslims these ablution rites or the dignity of carrying the corpse to its last resting place, were interferences which the Muslim community could not tolerate. When it became known that some of their dead who had died of smallpox were buried in the coffins provided by the municipality, they became afraid of the hospitals. The other objection to hospitalisation was the food which was not 'Hallal', i.e. ritually clean. Hospital regulations rejected the food which was brought from home. During the 1807,1812, 1840 and 1858 smallpox epidemics, the Cape Muslims endured these indignities in silent protest. They openly showed their defiance by refusing hospitalisation, quarantme, vaccination and fumigation . The view that their ' religion is surerior to the law', (Cape Times, I August 1882) brought middle-class Cape Town in furore against them. Newspapers started to scorn the Muslims. The suggestion was made that the "Malays" should be accommodated in separate areas (Lantern, 9 September 1882). As soon as their demands were met, provision made for the ablution ritual and nurses drawn from the Muslim community, the Cape Muslims complied with the regulations. But seed had been sown, which was to come up in the racist apartheid Jaws of the 1950's and 1960's, e.g. the Group Areas Act. At any rate, the end of the nineteenth century was a far cry from the liberal notions with which it had started. Religious disputes as a unifying factor With the expansion of the various mosques and prayer rooms in the beginning of the nineteenth century, conflicts were bound to emerge. fhe ensuing cleavages did sap some energy, but it also served the consolidation of Islam in the Bo-Kaap. In theca!>~ of the Cape Community, intense as their conflicts were, the emerging rifts were not deep enough to disrupt their communal functioning. In fact, the conflicts helped to strengthen their communal ties and heighten their religious awareness. 'These conflicts ... were the regulators of the communal valu~ system and acted at times as measures of social control to ensure the perpetuation of the culture' (Davids, 1980: 49). The nature of the disputes were divergent, but two themes were common, doctrine and leadership. The appointment of the Imam was in many cases such an issue. He had supreme powers and was answerable to no one. Therefore the congregation, or any dissidents, had no alternative to have grievances redressed than through the Supreme Court. That the early imams formed a hereditary class, was surely not favourable to the spread ot the religion. Doctrinal disputes however, were not always taken to the Supreme Court. Some were partially resolved through the "Becharas". "Bechara" is an Indonesian word meaning conference or debate. In the Bo-Kaap the"Bechara" was a public forum held at the mosques where disputing Imams could puoiicly put forward their views. Often these "Bechara" ended in fighting between the supporters of the debating Imams (Davids, 1980: 50). The practice continued until the late 1930s and was the main reason for the establi shment of the Muslim Judicial Council (Davids, 1980: 51). This institution, which came into being in 1945 after the Hanafee-Shafee dispute, became a powerful and effective organisation in which the Ulema (clergy) cou ld sort out their differences and give guidance to the community on issues touching their lives. The Hanafee-Shafee dispute had been plaguing the Cape Muslims ever since the gifted Abubakr Effendi arrived here in 1863. Ironically he was sent by the Ottoman regime at the request of the British Government to solve the never-ending dispute at the Jan van Boughics Mosque concerning the appo intment of an Imam. The tragedy was that- although with very good intentions -neither the British Government nor the philanthropic Cape Parliamentar".an Mr. Roubaix had consulted the local people. Roubaix had thought that the only solution to the fights at the m• sque would be to bring an Imam from overseas to act as spiritual guide to the local Muslims. Effendi, as it turned out, was a Hanafee and his introduction as guide in a predominantly Shafee community- 90% of the community (Davids, 1980: 52)- was bound to lead to problems, as it did. The leadership dispute was subst ituted by a doctrinal one. 13 These disputes did not hinder their feeling of togetherness in a time of crisis. They stood together as Muslims when they considered their rights as Muslims threatened. This is especially del'nOnstrated by the cemetery dispute from 1858 to 1886. The cemetery dispute from 1858 to 1886 In 1805 the City Council granted land to the Javanese for a burial ground, which became known as the Tana Baru (new ground). After 1840 more Imams acquired sites at the cemetery at the top of Longmarket Street. The smallpox epidemic of 1858, however, focused attention on urban cemeteries. A special committee on cemeteries, as elected by the Cape Town Municipality after a letter of complaint had been received with regard to the health hazard which urban cemeteries presented. This special conm1ittee rcconm1ended in December 1858 'that health and safety of the inhabitants imperatively demand that no further interments should be tolerated in the present Burial Grounds and that a general cemetery should be established ... ' (Municipal Cemeteries Commission Report of 1858, citt>d by Davids, 1980: 68). These recommendations' ·ere not acted upon, possibly because of the sensitive nature of the issue. Jn 1873 another special committee was elected to look into the matter. They came up with a similar recommendation, this time mentioning the Green Point common as a possible venue for the general cemetery. In 1875 the Cape Town Cemetery Bill was gazetted. But Parliament referred it to a Select Committee, after strong petitions, notably from the Dutch Reformed Church. The Parliamentary Select Committee heard evidence from all interested parties. The Cape Muslims were represented by an educated cab-driver, Abdol Burns. He came to play an important role as negotiator for the Cape Muslims from 1875 to 1886 in their dispute with the Cape Government on the cemetery issue. From his evidence before the Parliamentary Select Committee, it became clear that Burns was not prepared to concede any of the rights of the Cape Muslims on cemeterie . Bums's central argun1ent was that Muslims must carry their dead to its last resting place. This he put as a religious law, sacred to all Muslims. 'The cemetery riots of 1886 are probably the most significant expression of civil disobU!ience ofthe nineteenth century Cape Muslim community ... The closure of their cemeteries, in terms of the Public Health Act No.4 of 1883 moved them to an emotional frenzy which united them to ward off what they regarded as external interference in their religion' (Davids, 1980: 62). The closure of cemeteries did not make sense to them. In their view cemeteries constituted no danger to public health. They saw the measure as a means of undermining the religious freedom they were enjoying in the Colony. They feared that should they concede willingly to give up their holy cemeteries, their sacred mosques would certainly be endangered. Their cemeteries were as important as the mosques 'as a rallying point of culture, as an expression of their religious cohesiveness' (Davids, 1980: 64). Further factors at the turn of the 19th Century In the field of technology there were developments which favoured the spread of Islam. Thus Lightfoot (1900: 39) referred to steam ships: 'Other ~ve nts tended to intensify and perpetuate the changes, notably the opening of steam communication with Zanzibar, which rendered the pilgrimage to Mecca more practicable and the visits of teachers from Arabia and other M?hommedan centres more easily obtained.' The influence from Mecca did however not always contribute to unity. Thus there was the advice ir. 1886 that mosques, which were in close proximity to each other, should gather at one mosque for their Friday Jumu-ah worship occasion (Davids, 1980: 56). The various imams were expected to alternate in leading the service. The tradition of Hiempu, derived from a Malay word which means alternate, was far from easy to implement. In fact, a delegation from Zanzibar under Shaykh Bakathier was called in to mediate at some stage. The meeting on 25 January 1914 prescribed that the Jamia mosque of Chiappini Street, at that time the biggest mosque at the Cape, would serve that purpose. The delegation had however hardly left, when the strife resumed. Something which does not come out strongly enough in the work of Shell and Davids is the contribution of Effendi. That he caused disputes has perhaps resulted in clouding the value of this gr~at Muslim. The best compliment comes from an 'opponent'. Lightfoot ( 1900: 40) wrote: 'The effect of Effendi's tr.:ining, it is certain, was to cement the feeling of intimate brotherhood ... and in some respects to isolate them more and more from the rest of the communi ty.' Lightfoot ( 1900: 40) also refers to the feeling of Muslims as the aristocracy of coloured citizens which made it well-nigh impossible for Muslims to convert to Christianity. 'The conversion to Christianity would be ... even more th:J.Jl the abandonment of caste would be in the case of the stricte t Brahmins ... a step down the social ladder.' 14 3. CAPE ISLAMIC EXPANSION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Bo-Kaap as a unifying factor for Muslim Culture District Six (originally Onder-Kaap) and Bo-Kaap had together been the cradle oflslam in the Western Cape, even though the property itself belonged predominantly to Whites. The property had changed hands considerably in the 1950s and early 1960s. Research done by the University of Cape Town with their report in May 1965, still showed 55,4% owned by Whites (Kruis of Munt, 11 p. 7) Its roll in the preservation of Muslim Culture in a city which had a pressing Christian presence, cannot be underestimated. Bo-Kaap became an area with a predominant Muslim population after the Group Areas legislation. Many Christians who lived there became Muslims to qualify to remain there. The suburb remained a stronghold oflslam in the Western Cape until the present day. After the emancipation of the slaves in 1834 there was a great need for modest dwellings in Cape Town for the freed slaves, most of whom were Muslims. Many moved to new parts ofBo-Kaap. By 1865 about a quarter of the people in Bo-Kaap were Muslims. 12 The influx of Muslims to the area increased. The influx was closely connected with the constru...tion of several mosques in the area after 1840. A new sense of self-respect The discriminatory character of South African society along racial lines called for protest. As the ANC had become the mouthpiece of the Blacks, the African People's Organization (APO) was that for the Coloureds. The valiant efforts of Dr. Abdurahman, who became a City councillor in 1904- operating under the banner of the African People's Organization (APO) - gave the Muslims a new sense of self-respect. Here party political issues were however not foremost in there minds. Hadji Effendi (in Vander Ross, 1975: 6) who was the secretary of the APO at its founding worded their feelings appropriately: 'In reference to political affairs ... we shall not bind ourselves to any party but we shall support the most progressive and fairest policy towards the Muslims.' Married to a Scottish national of whom I could not find evidence that she embraced Islam, AbdL•rahman does not seem to have been a staunch Muslim. 'ft is noticeable that where Abdurahman made a religious reference, it was always from the Bible, never from the Koran' (Vander Ross, 1975: 6). The formation of the Cape Malay Association in 1923, based in Bo-Kaap, was the first attempt by Muslims at the Cape to organise themselves politically. Disillusionment followed with the founding of the Cape Malay Association. The founders felt that Abdurahman and the APO were not catering for the needs of the Cape Muslims (Davids, 1984: 199). The association was specifically founded to relate to the social needs of the Cape Muslim Community (Davids, 1984: 176). Abdurahman surely didn't endear himself to many Cape Muslims by speaking in a derogatory way about Afrikaans. Thus it is not surprising that his great adversary Gamiet, in his presidential address of the Cape Malay Association of 1925, made a decisive break from the Abdurahman tradition, among others by speaking honourably of Afrikaans as one of the official languages of the country (Davids, 1984: 203). It is worth noting that the Cape Muslims clearly aligned themselves to the Coloureds and not e.g. to the Cape British India.1 Association (Davids, 1984: 195). Apartheid legislation promotes Islamic growth The Group Areas legislation contributed probably more to the regional spread ofislam than any other factor. In the 1950's Muslims were living predominantly in a concentrated area, in District Six and Bo-Kaap. The lack of unity among the Muslims in the first half of the 20th century was definitely detrimental to the spread of Islam. After the Group Areas Act had been passed by parliament in 1950, many Coloured communities living around Cape Town were destroyed. In the end it surprisingly did not supply a rallying point against the so-called Christian government. The repression had made them either cynical or indifferent. However, it contributed actually to the spread of Islam to the new townships on the Cape Flats. By the end of the 1970's sizeable Muslim communities and mosques could be found throughout the Western Cape. Greyling ( 1974: 258) refers in this regard to ' Die beeld wat daar by die Kleurlinge ontstaan he/ van ditJ gemoeidheid van die Afrilwanse Kerke met die beleid van rasseskeiding.' In fact, he says- and it should not be ditficult to prove it- that the frustrations of the broader coloured community' ... het daartoe gelei dat Kleurlinge na die Islam oorgegaan het.' 13 Greyling surm ises that the greater growth oflslam among Coloureds between 1951 and 1960 (than 1960-1970) should be attributed to the political upheavals of the fifties. (The clampdown of the government on political activ ity of resistance in the sixties caused a relative indifference.) In parts of Athlone, notably Surrey Estate and Ryland:> Estate, a sizeable Muslim population developed with quite a few mosques bui lt over the years. 11 This was a publication of the Department of Community Development. 12 Townsend ( 1977: 12) said that the turn of the century half of the Bo-Kaap population was Muslim and by 1930 three-quarters. He appears to see Bo-Kaap in this context as the geographical area which is usually seen as the former Malay Quarter' , i.e. the rectangle formed by Strand, Chiapinni, Dorp and Rose Streets. This changed hereafter significantly when other f'TO ups moved in as subtenants, causing over-popul ation and severe deterioration of the properties. 13 Translation: ' ... caused many Coloured to switch to Islam.' 15 Furthermore, the apartheid legislation gave Islam new martyrs. The death of Imam Haron while in police custody brought an Anglican Priest, the Reverend Bernard Wrankmore to lodge nis protest. He fasted for many days at the shrine near to Lion's Head, calling on Prime Minister Vorster to install a judicial inquiry into the death of the Muslim priest. His protest acLion did not bring the required result, but it did much to raise the self-esteem of the Muslims, who traditionally had been quite inactive on the political arena. In the latter years of the apartheid era the Muslims figured more prominently politically. Muslim leaders e.g. the lawyer Dullah Omar would share the platform with people like Dr. Allan Boesak and Archbishop Tutu. It looked initially as if Greyling's suggestion that 'n Beter verstandhouding kan opgebou word sander kompromie'(1976: 63), could come to fruition . But looking back, it seems that the Gospel was watered down as the racial inequalities of society became the main issue. fn the end there was almost no semblance left of the young Allan Boesak who was evangelically active in the Christian Student's Association of the 1960's or of Bishop Desmond Tutu who was fasting and praying in 1981 on behalf of the Crossroads inhabitants. A wonderful chance to demonstrate that evangelical concern and spirituality were not mutually exclusive, was impeded by a too overt political agenda by these clergymen. Other interver.tion by the authorities The Cape Town City Council apparently did not do their homework properly when they made public their intention to construct a freeway through the Tana Baru cemetery in 1972 (Davids, 1980: 20). Fortunately the Muslim delegation got a sympathetic hearing and support from Mr. Vosloo, the Administrator of the Cape Province. The proposed freeway was finally dropped. The Muslim Students Ass0ciation and the Muslim Youth Movement, both well represented in the Western Cape, tried to stay near to the orthodox teaching of Islam- in contrast to the Ahrnediyya Sect were all but beaten out of the Cape Peninsula. The move of their headquarters in 1969 from Bo-Kaap to Athlone was symptomatic of a downward spiral of this Islamic sect. The visit ofShaykh Muhsin (Saudi Arabia) and Dr. Khan ofthe World Mustin· Congress) in 1975 led directly to the f01mation of the Islamic Council of South Africa. From these quarters oil money for new mosques became freely available. Achmat Davids noted that the Cape Muslims refused such money on moral grounds. Finding themselves in the situation of apartheid oppres~ion, the leaders felt that they could not accept money from Saudi Arabia, where human rights (e.g. freedom of religion) were not respected. 14 Indirectly, the propagandistic use of the state radio gave Islam another fillip. The slur on Ayatollah Khomeini by the media at the end of the 1970's, made a martyr of him in the eyes of Muslims. Because the government was seen as the oppressor, the aggressive Islamic stance of the Ayatollah was a boon for assertive Islam. The resurgence of political res istance in the 1980's coincided with hopes for religious 'revival'. The school boycotts started at two high schools in Hanover Park, the township which got its name from the main street of the former District Six. This had been an important part of the Islamic stronghold of the Western Cape before the Group areas evictions of the 1960's and 1970s. In the listing of all the local areas of Greater Cape Town population-wise, Hanover Park wa<; topping the list in the 1980 census with 12,040 inhabitants (Da Costa, 1989: 397). Typical was the graffiti slogan on a wall on YusufDrive Bo-Kaap: 'The only solution- Islamic revolution !' The increasing use oflslamic dress in the Western Cape townships was equally conspicuous. Even on the country side and in the Black townships they could be seen in due course. Societal Causes Perhaps the biggest single cause for the increase of the number of Muslims, is marriage. Achmat Davids makes the point very strongly that materi ~ l and marital considerations rather than spiritual reasons have played the major roll in the conversion from Islam in the 19th century in his contribution 'Piety, Gender and Secularism', which was to have been published in a book by Rodney Davonport. 15 He suggested that women converted rather than men. Davids stated furth ermore that Christian women converting to Islam through marriage is the biggest cause for the spread of Islam at that point in time, apart from by birth. In the 1960's economic causes played a roll where e.g. the father was Indian and ti.e mother Coloured. The children would still be classified coloured in order to have their shops in Coloured residential areas. The Christian girls often opted for Muslim young men beca'.lse they were known to have sober habits. (Drinking has been a major social problem in Coloured society for decades.) Because Muslims were allowed to have more than one wife ifthey could support them, this also accounted for an increase in the number of Muslims in the Cape. (There is however a clear decrease of Cape Muslims practising polygamy.) Due to the general acceptance in nominal Christianity of Islam as a 'faith like Chri stiani ty', the conversion to Is lam usually hard ly creates any problems. Even in evangelical circles similar notions can be found, although marriages would as a rule usually occur when the Christians in question are in a backs lidden state. Pregnancies have often led to enforced marriages. 14 In a private interview on 20 October 1993. 15 The book was a!J parently not published. 16 The unwritten rule in Protestant churches that the women join the church of her husband after the marriage, has simply been amended with the women turning to Islam. Due to this unwritten Jaw, Muslim women have also converted to Christianity in isolated cases, but the social pressure and censure of the Islamic community serves effectively as a strong deterrent. The number of nominal Christian men marrying Muslim women also increased over the years. Another contributing factor is the fact that the Muslim faith was not regarded by Coloured society as alien after the fight against apartheid. The role of women in marriage could be seen as a negative factor for the growth oflslam in general. Achmat Davids disagrees, noting that such a view is a Western perception. According to him, Muslim women are quite happy with their status. Research is needed to test either assumption. Islamic Opposition against Apartheid and the Tablighi Movement Muslims had a prominent roll in the non-European Unity Movc::~e nt and the anti-CAD movement of the 1940s to 1960s. Especially through the ef "orts of Imam Abdullah Haron in the Cape Black townships ofNyanga and Langa in the 1960's and his death in custody in 1969 (and that of Ahmed Timol in 1971 ), Islam was seen as part of the struggle against apartheid. That the initial opposition of young Muslims against apartheid became more pronounced, ' more vociferous' (Tayob, 1995: 83) in Claremont, is not so surprising because of its proximity to Wynberg, next to District Six/Bo-Kaap the prime anti-apartheid stronghold of the Cape. Abdullah Haron became the imam of the hitherto relatively unknown Stegman Road mosque in Claremont. Haron was quite revolutionary when the youth was encouraged to participate in the activities of the mosque. He gave the young radicals opportunities to officiate at birth, marriage and funeral ceremonies. These duties were formerly ' the exclusive preserve ofthe imams and the shaykhs' (Tayob, 1995: 83). No wonder that Haron was not generally hailed by the upper echelons of the Muslim hierarchy. But they could not ignore his rising popularity. The meteoric rise of Haron was displayed in his election as president ofthe Muslim Judicial Council in 1955. Haron and some Muslim mission school teachers formed the Claremont Musli .. • Youth Association in 1958 and issued a newsletter called the Islamic Mirror. Extracts from the writings of radical Islamic writers of the international Islamic resurgence were distributed in this way. The radical Islamic Mirror soon became the mouth-piece of Islamic anti-apartheid thought in the Muslim community (Haron, 1986: 69). Imam Haron displayed wisdom when he refused to allow his youth organization to be separated from other anti-apartheid forces. Cleverly he exploited the mistake ofDs. Davie Pypers, after the Bo-Kaap dominee had initiated the distribution of the 19th century testimony ofHadjie Abdullah at the Green Point Track in August 1961. Possibly mistakenly interpreting the printing of the pamphlet as a Dutch reformed move (Tayob, 1995: 84), Haron's Claremont Muslim Youth Association reacted: 'We see in this attack on Islam a deliberate attempt to drive a wedge between us and other non-Islamic groups with whom we have hitherto lived in peace, hannony and ' friendliness' (Quoted by Jeppie, 1987: 84). This argument was going to be used effectively again in later years, notably after the Soweto riots in 1976 and after the DRC synod discussion of Islam in 1986. In the wake of the Sowetc uprising in 1976, Black youths started turning to Islam. Islam could have exploded into prominence in the 1 inessmen and builders have also flexed their economic muscles towards the Black community. The difficult economic conditions of the 1990's gave rise to large scale recruitment among the Blacks. Inhabitants of townships like Gugulethu and Khayelitsha were employed by Muslims, on condition that they would embrace Islam. Muslim entrepreneurs have also opened little shops that are closed on Fridays to enable the tenants and employees to attend mosque. Using the love of Blacks for feastir~, the slaughtering of goats was also put to good use to win over converts to this religion. The ftrst such mosque ;n Khayelitsha is already in use since 1994 and Black Muslims can now be seen in the city in the clearly recognizable white robes, although some of these people come from other African countries. Restitution The Cape Muslims have a special place in South African history. At this time, when restitution is being di scussed in various quarters, their suffering at the hands of people who professed to be Christians, should be looked at. It is significant that so many apartheid laws and practices had its precedent in the attitudes and measures against the Cape Muslims of the colonial days. Among these there were: a) Pass Laws: The Muslim Free Blacks who were engaged in the fire Brigade- under which they were forced to serve without remuneration- cou ld not leave town without a pass, for which they had to pay four shillings and nine pennies, a stately sum in the late 18th century. There is no certainty when these passes were introduced, but it ' ... was possibly the first pass law sy~[em of this country' (Davids, 1992: 86). 19 b) The breaking up of families: This also had its precedent with Muslim slaves. The separation of slave children from their parents provided a sad precedent for the separation of Black children from their parents in the apartheid days, e.g. in 1981 where 55 women were sent to the Transkei while the husbands and some children remained in the Cape (The Argus, 26th May, 1981). Slave/Muslim marriages were not recognized, which gave licence to t:Jle owners to separate husband and wife at whim and children could initially also be separated at random. c) Group Areas: As already shown, the cry went up from the ranks of colonists to have the Cape Muslims separated residentially already in the second halfofthe nineteenth century. The Group Areas Act itself robbed many Muslim Indian traders of their livelihood, causing untold hardship, when they were forced to move to Indian residential areas. Also there was the almost never-ending outcry for the repatriation of Indians in general, which only stopped after 1960 after the Prime Minister at the time, Dr. Yerwoerd, had stated that they should be accepted as a permanent part of the population. The removal of Muslims from the old District Six was a big blow to Islam, even though it served to spread the religion to other suburbs in the course of time. Many Christians and Muslims who lived side by side m Bo-Kaap felt very strongly about the destruction of harmonious relations of mutual tolerance between Muslims and Christians through the implementation of the part of the part of the Group Areas legislation, when Christians were forced to move out of the Bo-Kaap area. d) General Discrimination: Muslim Marriages were not recognized in colonial times and citizenship was reserved for those 'born in wedlock'. The discrimination on religious grounds served as a tragic precedent for the practice in the apartheid era where membership and admission to clubs, organizations and even churches were determined by the racial classification. e) Searching of houses: The Cape Muslims were subjected to constant persecution, harassment and arbitrary arrests. As a daily occurrence their houses were searched by the Burgerwacht without warrants (Davids, 1992: 86). The editor of The Commercial Advertizer wrote on 27 December 1828 against these practices, concluding ' .... and yet were taxed to their lips, like the other Free inhabitants.' The searching oft>ouses under all sorts of pretexts as well as the arbitrary arrests became part and parcel of the apartheid principle and practir:e. Then there is the caricature of biblic:1l Christianity, which has left a 'collective guilt' . The materialism of the slave owners who encouraged their slaves to become Muslims, might not have been emulated in this way in later years, but up to this day the unequal structures in churches along racial lines make a mockery of the unity in Christ, which is being professed. That Muslim employers are now abusing the difficult employment situation to win Blacks over to Islam, should not be so surprising. Not that long ago the more aftluent Christians of the White society held people of colour at ransom to tow the line. Pastors of Black churches were e.g. threatened and punished with the withholding of remuneration when they were too outspoken on racial inequality. The missionaries themselves attributed in no small measure to this caricature. Unfortunately people like Georg Schmidt and Johannes van der Kemp were the exceptions rather than the rule. The latter was eager to bring African missionaries on a par with Whites and put them in charge of stations. But this attitude was unfortunately reversed early in tl.e 19th century. We saw how the equality afforded to those slaves who converted to Islam, was one of the .;trong draw cards in the spread oflslam in the 19th century. A similar tendency can be observed in the preaching of the gospel. The early missionaries understood much better to incorporate their converts in the spreading the message. George Barker heard in 1816 e.g. how 'five women examined prior to baptism not one of them attributed the beginning of the work of grace in their hearts to the preaching of the Missionaries, but to their own people (Hottentots) speaking to them' (quoted in (Eiboume, 1992: 9). I suggest that restitution should be made to the Muslim community in a two-pronged approach . The first part ~ould amount to an inward look at church structures and practice, to bring it more in line with New Testament teaching. The proviso must of course be that Christians will act upon such a scrutiny, that we would be practising what we preach, that we would be acting upon what we see in the mirror (cf. James 1: 3ft). From such a humble position we might find that young Muslims could start listening to what we are saying. I think that there is still the possibility of a 'gesamentlikefront van Christene en Moslems teen moderne '""wels soos kommunisme, materia/is me en die morele ondergrawing van die jeug' (Grey ling, 1976: 63). 17 In such a common assault, e.g. on violence, evangelicals need not hide their belief in a living Jesus, our Peace (Eph.2: 14), as the one who can transform lives. In the process they could even challenge young Muslims to become partakers, to become the new missionaries to spread the good news of Peace to the countries, which are as yet closed to the Gospel of the crucified and risen Jesus. Of course, this would amount to a radical departure from traditional Islam. However, the body of Christ (the church) has no right to expect this unless a substantial representation from the ranks of the Christian faith is also prepared to move away radically from traditional Christianity, which is more often than not a caricature of Biblical faith . We owe it to Islam, because it appears that Muhammad had neither Christ-like examples nor believers who could give him proper teaching on what the Bible really teaches. 17 Translation: A combined front of Christians and Muslims against modem vices like communism, materiali sm and th ;: moral undermining of our youth . 20 It's high time that we make amends. Are we willing and prepared to put those church traditions and practices on the altar which actually hinder Muslims to come to Christ? If we are, we may find many Muslims wide open for the Gospel of the crucified and risen Jesus. In a sense the Western Cape Muslims are already to be regarded as allies. Through their refusal on moral grounds to receive filthy 'oil money' for the building of new mosques, they have showed a rare quality of principle, being critical of repressive governments in the Arabian Peninsula. Coming from the oppressive apartheid structures, they had every right of speech, albeit that the support of the Muslim Judicial Council for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan after the September 11, 2002 events, tainted their image. Of course, I am speaking here more with an eye of faith, praying that many a Muslim eye will be opened to what has really happened on Calvary, in a similar way that many former communists have come to know Jesus as the crucified and risen Son of God and many Afrikaners have now agreed that apartheid was heretical. The second part of our restitution should be to look for ways and means where the body of Christ, the church, can serve the Muslim Community optimally. Three areas where Cape Muslims would surely appreciate our help, are gangsterism, prostitution and drug addiction. Here the emphasis should be to demonstrate the living Christ rather than to indulge in mere social work, at any rate not with a condescending attitude and affording respect and dignity to the recipients. Of course, these are not the easiest of areas of work in society. But ther., a proper understanding of the Gospel has never opted for the cheap and easy solutions. Final and easy answers do not abound. But if we are serious about restitution, we should be prepared and willing to look at things which will cost us a lot. But isn't this the crux of the Christian message? Jesus gave his everything, His life to redeem us. Could we settle for less? Bibliography Abdurahrnan, Abdullah - Say it out loud, APO Presidential Addresses and Other Major Political Speeches, 1906- 1940, Bellville, 1990 Aspeling, Eric, - The Malays of Cape Town, W.A. 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Shell -The Chapter intergroup Relations: Khoikhoi, settlers, slaves and free blacks, 1652-1795' in Elphick, Richard and Giliomee, Herman (ed) The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840, Maskew Miller Longman, Cape Town, 1990 Esack, Farid, - Qur'an, Liberation and Pluralism in islam, an Islamic Perspective of Inter-religious Solidarity against Oppression, One World, Oxford (UK), 1997 Esack, Farid, -On being a Muslim, One World, Oxford (UK), 1999 Gerdener, G.B.A. - Recent developments in the S.A. mission field, Cape Town, 1958 Grey ling, C.J.A. - Die invloed van Strominge in die Islam op die Jesusbeskouing van die Suid-Afrikaanse Moslems, (Doctoral Thesis), Stellenbosch, 1976 Greyling, C.J.A - Shaykh Yusufin Religion in Southern Africa, Durban-Westville, 1980, pp. 9-22 Guide to the Kramats of the Western Cape, Cape Mazaar (Kramat) Society, 1996 Haasbroek, L. -Die sending onder die Mohammedane in Kaapstad en omgewing (A Historical survey) , University of Stellenbosch, Unpublished doctoral thesis, 1955 HewiLL, J.A.- Mohammedanism in South Africa, The Church Chronicle Grahamstown, 1887, J.W. 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Preaching of the Gospel- Wylant, Vander Stael 2. Education, first school- Van der Stael 3. Appreciating the language of the indigenous population - Kalden and Pannevis 4. Mission work- Georg Schmidt and S.A. Gesticht 5. Attack on Slavery and unequal treatment of Khoi -Dr. van der Lier and Dr. van der Kemp and Dr. Philip 6. Networking of churches and mission agencies- S.A. Gesticht, St. Andrew's 7. Racially Mixecl congregations- St. Stephen's, Dreyerkerk, St. Mark's 8. Opposition to ur just government . 9. Worldwide Vision for prayer and the Holy Spirit- Dr. Andrew Murray 10. Indigenous church planting- Dr. Forbes and the Volkskerk 11. Women leading the way in opposition to racialism- Olive Schreiner, Halima Ahmed and Cissie Gool, Ray Alexander 12. Non-racialism- the 10 point plan of the NEUM, a fore runner of the Freedom Charter of the ANC Negatives 1. Materialism and Denominationalism 2. Slaves rejected in the church 3. Abuse of women slaves 4. Vice: Drug peddling, prostitution and homosexuality 5. Cultural imperialism through language 6. Rejection of slaves by church 7. Carnal activism on behalf of the underdog- Dr. John Philip 8. Birth of formalised apartheid- St. Stephen's and Groote Kerk 9. Accommodation of sinful attitudes by the church -1857 synod 10. Cultural insensitivity w.r.t. health measures and burial rites 11. Clubbing together to exclude groups -1894 elections 12. Abuse of mission work in Education -District Six 13. Denominational Rivalry 14. Collaboration with unjust government 15. Theft via the Statute book 16. Islamisation of theW. Cape 17. Distortion of History